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Opinion Editorial
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Written by Aaron Barlow
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Monday, 28 April 2008 09:42 |
Academic Freedom and Student Rights in Politicized Institutions Today, we are witnessing a concerted attempt to politicize American public universities through the institution of direct legislative oversight. Bills have been recently introduced in Colorado, Georgia, Indiana, Missouri, Oklahoma, Virginia, and West Virginia and other states that would allow politicians to meddle in the classroom1. Many of these bills base their legislation on David Horowitz's Academic Bill of Rights (ABOR) and justify themselves through anecdotal information about abuse of students in the classroom. Each year, legislation of this type is beaten back but, each year, new bills are introduced, much to the frustration of those of us involved in the defense of academic freedom. The debate is able to continue in large part because it muddles real issues of rights and governance, diverting what should be careful consideration of a number of real issues down unproductive avenues, diverting attention from very real yet distinct problems. For example, the City University of New York (CUNY), where I teach, instituted a new "Student Complaint Procedure" last year over the almost unanimous opposition of the faculty—including mine. 2 My feeling was that the new Procedure was a solution in search of a problem and an opening for challenges to professors that could be used in unsettling political attacks. However, I am now certain that I was wrong—to an extent, at least. If for no other reason than clarification, standard student rights procedures can help us avoid muddying debates on academic freedom. If student rights and student complaint procedures are carefully delineated, they can protect both students and faculty—a need recently brought home to us at CUNY through the attacks on Anthony Gronowicz3 and John Gerassi. 4 The lack of clear internal process or universal statement on student rights makes it possible for outsiders—Horowitz's Front Page Magazine, in the former case5 and The New York Post (reprinted at Front Page Magazine) in the latter6 —to make seem plausible accusations of bias concerning academic freedom that are, on close examination, untenable. There is something of a sleight-of-hand in the conflation of academic freedom and student rights in this new legislative movement, allowing what seems at first to be an attempt to protect students to also serve as a means for controlling faculty. This conflation is the problem, and the reason we must carefully enunciate student rights. Though Horowitz and confederates like Anne Neal of the American Council of Trustees and Alumni (ACTA) 7 may claim that they are not looking to institute legislative control over faculty and classroom management, that would certainly be the upshot of any of the types of legislation proposed, though its claim is simply protection of students. |
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Last Updated ( Monday, 28 April 2008 10:20 )
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Written by Aaron Barlow
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Friday, 18 April 2008 15:53 |
How the West Was Changed: Degradation of the Townspeople After World War II in the American Western Before the Second World War, American Westerns presented what later came to be seen as a "naive" view of what might be called white borderer culture and conflicts. The "good" of the Scots-Irish based and European immigrant and settler population was not just an underlying assumption but a central and explicit thesis in the Westerns, most of which were made by “poverty row” studios and distributed to rural and small-town theaters—and seen by the grandchildren of the very people portrayed. By the 1950s, this was no longer the case. The movie Western had moved from “poverty row” (abetting the demise of these poor-cousin studios) and firmly into the mainstream. Along with a changing social and political climate, better production values, actors, writers, and distribution led to a Western quite different from what had been presented before. Yet, though many of the Westerns of the 1950s are among the best the genre has ever seen, something is lost whenever a change of this magnitude occurs. In this case, it was the people. Their protection once having been the rationale behind the Western, they now played—at best—the role of oppressor in scenarios where attention is turned to other problems, or had disappeared completely from consideration while questions of individualism and personal morality began to dominate the genre. It is true, of course, that the negative side of rural and small-town Americans had been recognized earlier—witness the late and small example of the expulsion of dance-hall girl Dallas and alcoholic Doc Boone from town at the start of Stagecoach (John Ford, 1939)—but the essential “goodness” of the American people generally triumphed, as it also does in Stagecoach, where the passengers on the stagecoach, including Dallas and Boone, prove to be the “real” salt-of-the-earth Americans. After World War II, however, the “good” population began to disappear from sight in the Western. |
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Last Updated ( Sunday, 20 April 2008 09:59 )
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Written by Gabriel Lafitte
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Monday, 07 April 2008 10:15 |
Timing the Olympic Dragon Zhang Qingli, China’s Party boss in Tibet says: “We are engaged in a fierce battle of blood and fire with the Dalai clique, a life-and-death struggle between the foe and us.” At the very moment China’s Communist Party denounces the Dalai Lama with renewed spleen, as a devil and a wolf, the Dalai Lama offers to fly to Beijing, to resolve the crisis. Is his timing utterly inept, or does he know something that has not yet occurred to the rest of us? Tibet is in crisis, the Chinese Communist Party leadership is in crisis, utterly unable to understand events and bereft of new ideas. In Newsweek, Melinda Liu says: “Can Chinese officials put the entire roof of the world into lock-down? According to one foreign analyst involved in monitoring Olympic preparations, who requested anonymity for security reasons, ‘They’re simply just freaking out.’” The authority of the Dalai Lama among Tibetans is in crisis, the global Tibetan exile is reinventing itself; and the world looks on, unable to read this old volcano now erupting anew. In Chinese, the character for crisis is made up of two symbols, signifying danger and opportunity. If opportunity is not recognised and grasped, the danger occurs. In Tibetan tradition, timing is everything, a decisive tool in the hands of the clear-minded, seizing the moment in the unequal game of a small nation surrounded by giants, none greater than China. Could it be that this is the unique moment of opportunity for both Chinese and Tibetans? In so many ways, the panTibetan revolt of 08 is a repeat of the revolts of 87 and 59, yet in many ways the situation now is completely new. Few discern the new terrain, as it becomes clear the lava flow of Tibetan determination is unstoppable. The world looks on as nomadic horsemen gallop en masse out of the vast rangelands into new Chinese towns in Tibet, such as Gansu Hezuo, shredding the red Chinese flag, hauling up the forbidden Tibetan snow lion mountain flag. What to make of a scene – captured by a Canadian film crew - as archaic as was the 1917 charge of Australian horsemen seizing Palestine from the Ottomans? |
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Last Updated ( Monday, 07 April 2008 10:28 )
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Written by Adam Lambert
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Tuesday, 01 April 2008 14:58 |
America's Iran gamble and how Iran is benefiting from it  Iran made several attempts at diplomatic outreach towards the US in 2001, 2002 and 2003, but the Bush administration made the decision to rebuff and ignore these gestures and Iran quickly became an enemy of the Bush administration. One consequence of these decisions was the election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as President as the more moderate leadership in Iran was pushed aside. However, there is another side to this story, and another large consequence to the United States and its economy, as well as its energy policy (both current and future). And as a result of this gamble by the Bush administration, Iran has taken the opportunity to strengthen its position in the global economy, all while the US economy is floundering, its standing and influence in the world decreasing, and it is being shut out of a growing global alliance with respect to much of the world’s oil. |
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Last Updated ( Friday, 18 April 2008 15:47 )
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Written by Jeff Huber
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Tuesday, 11 March 2008 14:39 |
Sandbox Admiral: Fallon, voice of reason in run up to potential war with IRAN, resigns -Editor's note: Commander Jeff Huber, U.S. Navy (Retired) orginally submitted this editorial on Monday March, 10, 2008. One day before the news of Fallon's resignation.-
I normally find some pseudo-witty way to euphemize profanity, but for this piece I felt it was important to reflect the language of the source documents. Thanks for your indulgence. Admiral William "Fox" Fallon is the first Navy four-star to be put in charge of U.S. Central Command, the Middle East sandbox traditionally assigned to an Army or Marine Corps general. According to a recent Esquire article by Thomas P.M. Barnett, Fallon may also be the only force in global politics keeping Dick Cheney from entangling America in an all out war with Iran. If that's so, it's another indication of just how broken America's system of government has become under George W. Bush's dysfunctional stewardship. Bull Run When Fallon took the CENTCOM helm in March 2007, some observers (including this one) feared he had been given the job for the specific purpose of attacking Iran. Who better, the reasoning went, to preside over the type of air and maritime operation that a conflict with Iran would dictate than a naval aviator, especially one like Fallon who'd already had experience as a four-star theater commander in the Pacific? Historian and journalist Gareth Porter put that perception to rest in May when he cited Fallon as having said an attack on Iran "will not happen on my watch" and reported that Fallon had identified himself as part of a group of senior officers who were "trying to put the crazies [Cheney's neocon cabal] back in the box." |
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Last Updated ( Tuesday, 11 March 2008 15:34 )
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